As a political and epistemic project, decolonisation is a worldview about the continued necessity of our collective struggles for the freedom of black people in a white neoliberal world. It is about the Pan-African vision and struggle to rehumanise the so-called people of colour, particularly blacks, who have suffered dehumanisation through slavery, colonialism, and free market fundamentalism.


Until the black man learns his lessons, let him carry his cross and wallow in his misery. In view of the unabating lynching of the black men in the United States of America (U.S.A), I may appear as brutally insensitive to the plight of black people. No. I am just being brutally honest.

I think the endless lynching of black people in U.S. is a wakeup call to all black people around the world. All over the world, black people are fast asleep in every sense of the word. In Africa and its Diasporas like the U.K., and the Caribbean, the transnational solidarities and intergenerational mandate for the pursuit of black emancipation as a life time commitment have been abandoned. The freedom of the black race is no longer a priority of the black elite in Africa, and the black civil rights movement in the Western world. Revolutionary and selfless leadership have become old-fashioned.

Everywhere, blacks have abdicated the virtue of revolutionary struggle in favour of social activism that draws inspiration and validation from the very neoliberal and supremacist structures that oppress them.

The tragedy of it all is that blacks think that they can subcontract their struggles to the neoliberal project that they see as a new conduit for delivering their freedoms. Black people’s mental and cultural universes continue to be colonised by Eurocentrism and consumerism. Some of our academics now even argue that consumerism is a space where we can assert and express our democracy and freedoms.

This is not only baloney, but also nonsensical given the sea of poverty that engulfs black life and forests of slums that define the race whether you are in Lagos, Johannesburg, Durban, Harlem, Haiti, or even Rio de Janeiro in Brazil. The tomfoolery of the black race defies logic, but as they say the eyes are useless when the mind is blind. The black mind is blind to its own history, culture, colour, humanity, and community.

As black people, we have an inspiring history about the power of our collective revolutionary struggles through the decolonisation project. Through decolonisation, we managed to secure our political freedoms and halt the progress of imperialism. However, what the black mind is in denial about is that decolonisation cannot be complete until black people in Africa and its Diasporas are totally free, including securing economic emancipation for the entire black nation. As a political, cultural and epistemic project, decolonisation ended with the Bandung Conference in Indonesia in 1955, where Africans and Asians vowed to fight and defeat imperialism.

It did not end with the First Tricontinental Conference in Havana in 1966, where Latin Americans also joined the Africans and the Asians in the struggle against the empire and the pandemic of racism.

As a political and epistemic project, decolonisation is a worldview about the continued necessity of our collective struggles for the freedom of black people in a white neoliberal world. It is about the Pan-African vision and struggle to rehumanise the so-called people of colour, particularly blacks, who have suffered dehumanisation through slavery, colonialism, and free market fundamentalism.


Decolonisation is not about the past; it is about the future of the black civilisation. Bandung and Havana did not just proclaim decolonisation as a feasible resistance imaginary for the global south, as constituted through race and the colonial experience; they also showed that decolonisation is penultimate in bringing about the total liberation of Africa and its Diasporas. These trans-affective solidarities saw black civil rights leaders like W.E.B DuBois, Malcom X, and Martin Luther King Jr. visit a number of Africans in deference to the power of decolonisation as a political vision and language of the execution of struggle for those whose humanity has been pathologised by the West.

As a political and epistemic project, decolonisation is a worldview about the continued necessity of our collective struggles for the freedom of black people in a white neoliberal world. It is about the Pan-African vision and struggle to rehumanise the so-called people of colour, particularly blacks, who have suffered dehumanisation through slavery, colonialism, and free market fundamentalism.

Yet across the globe, black people are running away from decolonisation to seek shelter in the neoliberal project and accommodation in whiteness. Across Africa and its Diasporas, decolonisation is seen by the black elite as an archaic trope that has lost its revolutionary value to free black people from what has become an increasingly invisible Anglo-American empire. Hypnotised by the narcotising spoonfuls of capitalist honey in the form of accumulation of wealth and conspicuous consumption, the black elite in Africa and its Diasporas have abdicated the duty of decolonial virtue in favour of neoliberalism – a vision and epistemic project that has betrayed the dreams of economic freedom for the black race.

However, neoliberalism will never be able to articulate the black struggle and deliver black emancipation because it is a product of the West’s abysmal thinking of the dismembering of the black race from the human family. The colour line of racism, long diagnosed by DuBois, is a line that ex-communicates the black race from humanity.

It does not matter how long you have lived in the U.S., Europe, or Australia or how many PhDs you have accumulated as a black person, our humanity as black people is discounted by scientific and systemic racism, which are major pillars of the Western world. For example, while neoliberalism presents human rights as universal, the reality of the black struggle is that of asserting our humanity in a colonial, modern, white, and Western-centric world order. The black man does not and cannot elicit his rights from the neoliberal project of the American Revolution or French Revolution, but the decolonisation projects of the Haitian revolution, Bandung Conference, and the Pan-Africanist liberation struggles that delivered our flag independence as black Africans. Therefore, black common sense would tell us that you can never free yourself using your master’s tools that ensured your enslavement in the first instance. Racism is an inextricable part of capitalist modernity as we know it. It has existed over 400 years, despite the white man’s revolutions and neoliberal proclamations about human rights, good governance, cosmopolitanism and rule of law. Racism is the geo-politics and bio-politics of the West against other civilisations.

Protests can never dismantle the structure of racism and white supremacy. They may appear efficacious for now, but in reality, they unmask a kind of black politics that is not only intellectually bankrupt, fatigued, episodic, reactive, and barren, but also haunted by a spectre of temporality that fails to speak to systemic racism as an enduring problem in our lives.


So, as black people, we need to return to the source. Decolonisation’s locus of enunciation is anti-racism, anti-capitalist greed, and black consciousness. It confronts structural racism of the empire, where blacks are denied opportunities, including their land and its mineral wealth. Black consciousness as a unifier of those that have suffered dehumanisation is not reverse racism. On the contrary, it carries the symbolic signposts of our historical memory of the struggle against a global structural racist order and to our obligation for transformative global justices against that order for the sake of the black child. Black consciousness unites Africa and its Diasporas and helps us to forge collective futures that transcend these useless colonial borders. Black consciousness gives us community in our nightmare of dislocation. It is about the realisation that we are divided by colonial borders, but our disenfranchisement by the empire is still the same, whether you are in the global north or the south.

Decolonisation believes in a sustained struggle based on the unity of black people across continents. Its strength is that it views racism as systemic and not just an event linked to the lynching of black men and women. By turning our backs to decolonisation, we as the black people have resigned our collective fate to civic protests as our armour against the empire. Yet, our problem is bigger than citizens rights and needs a sustained cultural and political struggle for black emancipation based on a collective strategy that unites all black people in a selfless agenda of transformation. It’s a struggle that requires us to unlearn a lot of things. We need to unlearn how we raise our children, what schools they attend, what books they read, and what television they consume.

We need to unlearn what success is, how we spend our money, where we spend our money, and what we spend it on. A lot of African presidents are billionaires and have become richer than their countries. A lot of black American celebrities are millionaires. However, for these black people, their money is spent on yachts, jets, and other hedonic lifestyles, instead of transforming black communities and creating capacity for intercontinental solidarity for black political and economic emancipation. Decolonisation is not a part-time job. It is a lifetime commitment, requiring a conscious transformation of the self and community from the bottom up. It is about changing our value system and inoculating ourselves from the grip of an inferiority complex and the paltry benefits of consumerism from which we seek validation by the system. We can never get black emancipation and freedom from protests.

Protests can never dismantle the structure of racism and white supremacy. They may appear efficacious for now, but in reality, they unmask a kind of black politics that is not only intellectually bankrupt, fatigued, episodic, reactive, and barren, but also haunted by a spectre of temporality that fails to speak to systemic racism as an enduring problem in our lives. It’s a kind of politics that shows how we as black people have failed in our inter-generational and intercontinental mandate of decolonisation as a continued struggle. For this, the black race shall continue to pay the ultimate price until the end of time. Indeed, Martin Luther King Jnr. continues to mourns all the living black people from his grave.

Last Moyo is a professor of Media and Communication Studies at the American University of Nigeria, Yola, Adamawa State, and he writes in his personal capacity.